Saturday, 26 May 2012

The Big Picture

#45

   The Source  [1] is a newly released movie written and directed by Radu Mihaileanu. Set in a remote mountain village located anywhere between the Maghreb and Arabia, it was actually shot in Morocco with the dialogue spoken in a local dialect of Arabic. The specific nationality of the villagers does not matter. The story follows the struggle by a group of women to have water piped to their village. Previously, they have always had to climb a steep and rocky pathway to collect water from a mountain spring - The Source of the title. Each woman carries two heavy buckets, swaying from a timber yoke borne across her shoulders. As the story begins, a pregnant woman stumbles and falls, suffering a miscarriage. Leila, a young bride newly arrived from the south, is outraged and insists that the men should do something to help. When they refuse, the women use the only bargaining power they have and call a love strike; no more sex until the men pipe water down to the village.

   This aspect reminded Philip French (writing in The Observer) of Aristophanes’ play Lysistrata in which the women of ancient Greece, confronting a similarly male-dominated society, tried the same tactic to force an end to the Peloponnesian Wars.  In other ways The Source resembles a fairytale. There are deliberate allusions to Scheherazade and the interwoven tales she spins in The Arabian Nights. Mihaileanu’s script develops various minor sub-plots around the main theme. These involve the level of literacy required to conduct a long-distance romance, access to education and the pervasive influence, even in this remote community, of television soap operas. It is for the audience to decide if any of the dramas played-out in this village - including the matrimonial power-struggle over water - illustrate any greater truths.

   The Source has divided reviewers. Alissa Simon, writing in Variety, called it “An over-wrought fable…a difficult concoction to swallow…” She thought it “might seduce undiscriminating audiences” with its “kitschy song and dance numbers.” Donald Clarke, in the Irish Times, was even more scathing. He dismissed its “lumbering charms” and said it was “eye-wateringly patronising” with “a bogus quaintness.” By the end of his review he was all set to call in “the post-colonial thought police.” Perhaps the Irish Special Branch has just such an arm? Come to think of it, I wouldn’t be the least bit surprised if they do… and I’m sure they would be a fine body of patriots – most fanatical in their pursuit of political correctness – and certifiable anal-obsessives to a man – nay, person.

   Radu Mihaileanu claims that a ‘love strike’ actually happened in a tiny village in Turkey in 2001. He describes his film as humanist rather than feminist. He wanted to celebrate the humour and strength of countrywomen in Morocco and to show that their lives contained joy, poetry and genuine bonds of solidarity. “Woman is the energy that gets the day’s work done!” sing the women in chorus while their men folk remain permanently at rest on the terrace of the village café, wondering aloud if it’s the heat that’s making the women behave so strangely…

   Any film, released in 2011, depicting Muslim Arab women in conflict with male chauvinism was likely to invite hostility from somewhere. To have incurred the displeasure of both progressives and reactionaries is probably a worthwhile achievement in itself. The Source shows how the habitual selfishness of the men produces the conditions in which women can develop a collective solidarity. The women’s insurrection starts inside the communal bathhouse and gathers momentum when they gather at the stream to do the laundry. “Why should we have less say in our future than our men?” they ask. The Source is not a polemic and does not pretend to pronounce decisively upon events of ‘The Arab Spring’. But then neither is it entirely a localised story of relevance only to a handful of people living in a poor, remote, village…

   There is a lot of vitality and humour in this film, frequently involving the prodigious ‘Mother’ Rifle. We see her using a mobile phone while riding a donkey along a high mountain track. As the donkey ambles along she loses her signal and blames this on the animal, threatening to sell it in the souk[2]. Mother Rifle’s account of her own life reminded me of Brecht’s Mother Courage. At the age of fourteen she had been forced to marry an elderly widower for whom she eventually bore nineteen children, although few survived infancy. When her husband died she stamped on his grave with delight.

   Much of the film is shot in muted tones with strong shadows. Even in the daytime, interiors are dark and at night the characters depend on battery-operated torches strapped to their foreheads. Sunlight and colour are predominantly reserved for the women, especially when they sing and dance. The men are uniformly drab and seldom imaginative. Only Leila’s husband Sami shows any sensitivity to the women’s cause, telling her, “You have the right to fight. Go on love strike with love and respect.” But Sami’s empathy is pretty limited and sorely tested when the village men blame him for failing to control his own wife. Later, we find that he cannot deal with a contemporary’s disappointment at being failed by the school system and he reaches for a knife when Leila’s first love arrives in the village.

   The use of ribald songs to comment on the action is an effective device, again reminiscent of Brecht. In one hilarious scene the women, all togged-out in traditional costume, perform a song and dance routine for the benefit of a paying party of European tourists. With no accurate translation offered by their acutely embarrassed tour-guide, the visitors remain oblivious to the subversion expressed in the lyrics of the women’s song.

   The Source  suggests that Islam should be finding ways to accept independent thought and action by women. The outsider, Soufiane[3], represents rational scientific enquiry and the possibility of a new Islamic Enlightenment. His role is kept ambiguous, and he frequently claims to be interested only in things that are infinitesimally small. Soufiane endeavours to remain detached from the reality of village life and it begins to look as if the local men will adopt the solution offered by the ‘fundamentalists’ – which is to disown the striking women and import a busload of ‘replacement’ wives. One of the lurking agitators is Mother Rifle’s adolescent son and she gives him exceedingly short shrift when he parrots his madrasah-instilled nonsense at her. She smartly boxes his ears and explains that women only needed to wear the veil in the past when slavery still existed. In those days, explains Le Vieux Fusil, ‘free’ women wore the veil to confirm they were not mere chattels, available to be bought and sold.

   It’s not as if their religion and their chauvinism have endowed the men of the village with significantly better opportunities than those available to their wives. Most of the older men cannot read and a prolonged drought has stripped them of their traditional livelihoods as farmers. More recently, the complacency of corrupt bureaucrats has kept them economically backward by taking advantage of their political naivety. Some of the infrastructure has been provided to bring electricity to the village. The government has erected transmission poles and even gone so far as to fit door bells to the little houses. But there is no power: the phantom cables have never been connected to the grid.

   It transpires that the men applied to the bureaucracy long ago for a piped water supply but their request has been gathering dust. One of the officials smugly advises Sami against pressing for their application to be given priority. “You know what happens then?” asks the official. “They all want washing machines!” Finally, the men have to accept the reality of their own powerlessness. When they want to prevent their wives from travelling to town to celebrate their strike publicly in song and dance, they are unable to take effective action themselves and resort to hiring Berber tribesmen from the desert. Armed men on horseback are paid to waylay the women on the road to town and keep them trapped in a cave until the day is over. When the women evade capture and arrive in the market place they are concealed beneath a length of embroidered fabric. They push through the crowd like a long writhing snake. When the women emerge, confident and joyful, to begin their demonstration, the men are so embarrassed that they can then only clap limply and shuffle their feet in the dust. Perhaps they should take to wearing the veil to hide from their shame?

   Knowing that the Arab Spring began first in Tunisia when popular demonstrations followed the suicide of a humble market-trader, it takes only a single report in a national newspaper to prick the distant government into action over the water supply. You are left with the feeling that something important has changed and in future it may not be just water that issues from La Source des Femmes.



[1] The Source  (2011) (aka ‘La Source des Femmes’) Written & directed by Radu Mihaileanu with Leila Bekhti as Leila, Saleh Bakri as her husband, Sami, Hiam Abass as Fatima, her mother-in-law, and Hafsia Herzi as Loubna Esmeralda, her sister-in-law. The Algerian singer, dancer & actor Biyouna plays Mother Rifle (Le Vieux Fusil).
[2] Google will find the trailer for The Source on youtube.
[3] Soufiane (played by Malek Akhmiss) was Leila’s first love. He is a journalist on a national paper but claims to be only visiting the village to study the effect of the drought on the insect population.

Thursday, 17 May 2012

The Lords & Misrule

#44

   The speech read aloud by HM the Queen to Parliament last week summarised the government’s legislative agenda for the year ahead. She began with the words; “My ministers’ first priority will be to reduce the deficit and restore economic stability.”  Having a ‘Queen’s Speech’ at the start of each session suggests – wrongly - that the main function of parliament is to pass laws. Passing legislation is now secondary to the main role of the Commons which is to scrutinise the actions of the executive and hold the government to account for what it has and has not done. If politics were only about law-making, the Queen could simply have chortled; “My government will introduce legislation to outlaw the double-dipping of recessions and requiring money to grow on trees.”

   One hundred and three years ago, David Lloyd George (Chancellor of the Exchequer in Asquith’s Liberal government) introduced a Budget which was rejected by the Tory landowners who then dominated the House of Lords. The fall-out from this led eventually to the Parliament Act of 1911 abolishing the power of the Lords to block ‘money bills’ and substituting a power of delay. The Tory peers gave way in 1911, just as their ancestors had done previously in 1832, when the king(s)[i] reluctantly backed the supremacy of the Commons and threatened to create Liberal peers in sufficient numbers to out-vote the inbuilt Conservative majority. The toffs decided they would rather pay death-duties on their estates than have the peerage diluted by bus-loads of merchants and manufacturers.

   On the 2012 list of legislative priorities, reforming the composition of the House of Lords is down at number eighteen; way below ‘reform of the water industry in England & Wales’ but at least ahead of approving ‘the accession of Croatia to the European Union’. The present membership results from many accidents of history combined with ferocious political patronage[ii] and the need to provide day-care for retired MPs. In addition to 678 Life Peers and 23 Judges, there are still 92 hereditary peers[iii] and 25 bishops.
   A bill will be brought forward to reform the cemposition of the Hise of Lawds,” announced Good Queen Brenda, forbearing to add, “End not before time, my dears…

   I was surprised to learn that the preamble to the 1911 Act had stated its ultimate intention would be to replace the hereditary peers with an elected second chamber but regretted that “…such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation.” Thirty eight years later, the Parliament Act of 1949 reduced the delaying power of the Lords to one year. The two acts (1911 & 1949) now function as one and (you may remember) were used most recently in 2004 to secure passage of the Hunting Act - intended to outlaw hunting with dogs[iv]. Some politicians prefer to have controversial ‘morality’ issues - gay marriage would be a case in point - debated in the Lords rather than the Commons but in doing so they should be aware that the Parliament Acts cannot be used to force through any legislation which has originated in the “other place”.

   Those of you who are still awake may be wondering why the prospect of an elected second chamber has been allowed to languish for so long. The most plausible explanation lies in the enduring deadlock between opponents and supporters. Opponents of the Lords want to abolish it completely while its supporters are happy with its current status as a convenient repository for the accumulated wisdom of ‘The Great & The Good’[v]. Dozing away the autumns of their lives on the red leather benches of a chamber sometimes described as “God’s waiting room,” the motley denizens of the upper house remain – to misquote Donald Soper[vi] - the only empirical evidence we have that there may be life after death.

   The continued exercise of significant political power in a democracy by this largely self-perpetuating elite is due to the very British habit of combining diffidence with deference. Very few politicians can stop themselves from fawning and swooning whenever a fully-crowned monarch sails into view, wrapped in a bejewelled white duvet and with retired military-men, wearing long grey wigs and black tights, staggering backwards in her wake. The dreaded ‘Downton Abbey Syndrome’ remains our national political affliction.

   Even if we could get off our knees for long enough to replace the Lords with a largely elected Upper House, we would surely be worried sick that we had also created a concealed device which would one day explode without warning in the underpants of some future prime minister. When an elected chamber disagrees with an unelected chamber it is clear that the unelected chamber should give way. But if we had two elected chambers going head to head, how would they decide which should hold sway? Having re-invented the House of Lords as a part-elected, part appointed chamber and possibly also re-branded it as ‘The Senate’, it would be so very British to then hide behind the sofa with our fingers in our ears, waiting for the inevitable clash with the Commons over who can claim the most authentic democratic mandate.

   A more creative solution would be to avoid the problem of electing parallel chambers by daring to reform more than just the composition of the Upper House. Quietly, and in the evolutionary manner made possible by an unwritten constitution, the Commons has, since 1979, substantially improved its scrutiny of the executive by developing a system of investigative Select Committees. Where once there were only five, the Commons now fields more than thirty active Select Committees covering the A-Z of government departments from Armed Forces to Work & Pensions. This has been a significant development and deserves constitutional recognition.

   The mechanism of parliamentary ‘control’ is scrutiny: scrutiny of government policies alongside detailed scrutiny of legislation drafted by the government. A real reform would be to divide these functions coherently between two new chambers, with minimal overlap and duplication. Released from the obligation to undertake line-by-line analysis of innumerable bills, MPs should have the time they say they have always wanted to enhance the investigative work of the Select Committees and to pursue the issues raised by their constituents.

   The Executive would remain embedded in the lower house where its survival would still be dependent upon having majority support. Legislative activity in this house would be focused on the annual finance act, i.e. enabling the government to implement its budget. The upper house would examine all other changes to the law. At present, all bills go through the same stages in both houses in an essentially repetitive process. Under a new system, bills would only need to be dissected forensically in the upper house. At the end of the existing parliamentary process, bills currently undergo what is called a ‘Third Reading’. In future, a bill could only become law after it had received a Third Reading (or equivalent) in both houses. If it failed to secure majority support in the Commons then its fate would have to be decided by a combined vote of all the members of both houses. And why not? No veto, no power of delay; just a simple majority of all parliamentarians. I commend the idea to Your Majesties…
….”Orf with his blinkin’ head!” cried the Queen[vii].


[i] Two kings were involved: Burlington Bertie (died 1910) and his successor, George The V Boring.
[ii] Of course you can’t buy a peerage – perish the thought - but large donations to the main parties help to get your talents noticed.
[iii] Survivors from a herd of about 700 culled by The House of Lords Act, 1999.
[iv] Apparently it didn’t succeed – if the packs of hounds still streaming across the countryside are anything to go by.
[v] Some of them were never all that ‘great’ and many had been, at times, not very ‘good’.
[vi] Methodist minister and later Baron Soper of Kingsway in the Borough of Camden
[vii] Another misquote, this time of course from Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll.